The recent H-1B high-skilled visa in the United States exposed a deep crack at the beginning of the second phase of the President during the Donald Trump’s “Make America Great” movement.
When celebrated as a “model minority”, the “Indian Technology -Blow” number became a bitter lightning of bitter ideology. One side is clinging to the concept of “good immigrants” and is selectively accepted for its usefulness in the US technical economy. The other is a pureist of Maga’s ethnicist, whose immigrants are threatening. This debate is not only a policy, but also an unstable political consensus elucidation mirror, and is now naked in social media Vitriol and ethnic light EMPT.
India’s high -techbros have long been utilizing economic mobility while navigating racial hierarchies embedded in a large -scale interconnected global market structure. However, the rise of the right -wing populism of ethnicists -The fuel dissatisfaction of the intense majority left in the expansion of races, classes, and education has stabbed this uneasy alliance into a sharp focus. Ta. But how did you arrive here?
The rise of India’s Dia Spola in the United States was not a coincidence of history. It was an intentional convergence of the educated Indian’s rapidly growing class worldwide ambitions and the US neo -liberal experiment. In 1965, immigrants and nationality law abolished the assignments of long -standing countries for immigrants and completely opened the United States to skilled experts in India. Engineers, doctors, and scientists have arrived in the waves. Their ambitions were engraved by the “powerful spirit” rooted in the Indian caste system. These immigrants were not just assimilated. They have prospered, embed themselves in the American knowledge economy after the Industrial Revolution, and have become globalized market -led and talented faces.
However, this “meritism” has always hid some dark truth.
India’s high -tech bro, which was announced as a “model minority,” became a symbol of a neo -riberal dream. This is a seamless fit to the United States, which was re -formed by Reagan’s neoliberalism and Clinton’s globalization. Here, there is a Diasupola, which is consistent with the system, and accepting its economic desires to avoid the cultural conservatism of the white American.
The liberalization of the Indian economy in the 1990s and the rise of the DOT-COM era agree to create extraordinary opportunities. An institution like the Indian Technology Institute, and the subsequent private engineering universities, have created a stable flow of skilled workers who have been fascinated by the high -tech moggle’s myths like Bill Gates. These individuals have faced their eyesight on modern promises and Silicon Valley, which was tempted by the infinite possibilities of the U.S. high -tech industry.
However, the promise was elucidated in the 2008 financial crisis. The dissatisfaction began to be combined in the growing spread of social media, as the Euro -American economy after industrial innovation, and the employment of technology and finance disappeared. Platforms such as Reddit and 4Chan have become incubator for the dissatisfaction that white ethnic ethnicists, the disillusioned members of India’s Dia Spola, and the applicants in India have found a common position. Their frustration rose from economic stagnation and cultural alienation to hosting women and minority. Together, they promised a progress that had not been hindered, but now they seem to be offering only dropouts and disillusionments, across the borders tied to a collective exclusion that opposes the world order. I forged the community.
The H-1B visa program has become an important gateway for ambitious Indians looking for American Dream. Although Indian experts were enhanced as a symbol of global talent, they often connected them to unstable employment and exploited labor in opportunities. The myth of “Model Minority” -Ben based on high income and academic achievements -has given the visibility and privileges of Indian immigrants. However, people like Sundar Pichai and Satya Nadella are welcomed as a company’s success icon and hides systematic inequality in the H-1B system. Many Indian workers can permanently discriminate the troublesome caste in Silicon Valley.
For Indian experts, the success in the United States was accompanied by the hidden cost. The increase in the technical economy needed an accomplice on the racial inequality of the country. By avoiding the relationship with these structures, they have strengthened their systems that have enhanced a minority of races while alienating other races.
In his hometown of India, the top caste pursued parallel integration of capital and power. Economic liberalization in the 1990s dismantled the focus of Nelvia to farmers and workers, replacing it with market control and the accumulation of private wealth. Upper Cartro Elite combined these reforms with Hind Tuba’s politics and fused economic ambition and Hindu’s nationalism. The Union defended the domestic capital and reconstructed economic liberalization as a nationalist project, resisting global competition.
This double -accomplice of overseas Diaspora accomplices and the elite of power at home -the permanent adaptability of privileges has been clarified. Both projects abused structural inequality against their interests, avoiding their accountability. At the same time, they provide strict reminders about how power is integrated beyond borders and ideology.
The 2016 Donald Trump election crystallizes these dynamics and expose the alliance that supports modern populism. Trumpism combined the dissatisfied man, including the dissatisfied man, including a global power shift, deeply resonated with his rhetoric, and the dissatisfaction of the white nationalist. People like Vivek Ramaswamy and Kash Patel have become a symbol of the Indian Diasupola in the magic movement, and have eagerly amplified Trump’s “American First” spirit. At the same time, Trump’s praise for leaders, such as Narendra Modi, emphasized the growing synergistic effects among the right -wing people, and incorporated white nationalism into the structure of India’s Dia Spolic politics.
The limits of this coalition were always clear. And the vivid consistency between Indian experts and “American First” is currently being elucidated. The H-1B visa program, once a symbol of Indian technology mobility, has become a factor in the growth of American companies, but has become a battlefield. On the other hand, Trump’s “Government’s Efficient Emperor” Eron Musk Eron Musk and Vivec Ramaswamy defend it as indispensable for global competitiveness. Meanwhile, the Nati -Vist Army regards it as a threat to the white Christian order. Now, it is impossible to ignore this uneasy alliance contradiction. A few weeks after his appointment by Trump, there is nothing more than the sudden fraudulent departure of Vivek Ramaswamy from the newly built “government efficiency.” His expulsion is the fundamental incompatibility of corporate orders against the anger of white ethnicity comments on cheap, skilled labor and Ramaswamy’s remarks. If there is an illusion that these groups can be aggregated around the shared economic vision, it is now crushed under the weight of their competing profits.
This crack reflects deeper tension. White nationalism depends on restricting immigrants to preserve ethnic state, but Indian experts are a program like H-1B invited to the promise of American dreams. I’m hedging. For an ambitious Indian engineer, this dream often comes with the gods of the gods. The foresight, Steve Jobs and Maverick’s Elon Musk, are as respectful of how they make myths as their achievements. Many people want to take on large-scale debt to study at a university in the United States, and to convert the F1 visa to H-1B and ultimately a green card. However, this same dream is not accessible to many of Trump’s election base. This is a white American who is dissatisfied with the liberal American misfortune.
This root of tension exceeds the cold profit calculation. For a while, we were dissatisfied with shared complaints -globalization, cultural alienation, and Islamic phobia, linking these groups in a vulnerable alliance. However, these commonality is destroyed under the weight of competing profits. As a result, uneasy unions are broken under the exclusion and racial RES weight. Online racism, targeting Indians, emphasizes this growing crack, as the priority of Indian immigrants and the priority of white nationalists will increase. Once a practical alliance, it has revealed its status as a contradiction that cannot be settled.
The resistance to white hegemony in India was driven by self -preservation rather than the true commitment of dismantling systematic racism, and it sounded for a long time. Many of these oppositions are limited to online spaces and concentrate on defending economic privileges, rather than promoting universal rights and justice. Below this facade, there is a deeper accomplice. Indian experts have prospered in a system that permanently the white ideology of white ethnic ideology, and enjoy the advantages of the structure of alienation of other immigrant groups. India’s high -tech workers, which were carried out as management elites through US universities, took advantage of their position to accumulate wealth and influence. However, if these contradictions are sharp, this privilege and silence of silence may no longer be retained.
The views expressed in this article are the author himself, not necessarily reflecting Al Jazira’s editing stance.